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In the Legislative Assembly

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Crucial Fact

Historical Information Tom Beaulieu is no longer a member of the Legislative Assembly.

Last in the Legislative Assembly September 2019, as MLA for Tu Nedhe-Wiilideh

Won his last election, in 2015, with 70% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Committee Report 17-18(3): Special Committee to Increase the Representation of Women in the Legislative Assembly June 4th, 2019

Thank you, Mr. Speaker.

Discussing Guaranteed Seats

Guaranteed or reserved seats are an electoral mechanism that has become a popular tool in modern democracies. The purpose of guaranteed seats is to ensure that representation in legislative assemblies is more reflective of the population being governed.

Countries use guaranteed seats as a mechanism to include populations on the basis of ethnicity, language, religion, geography and/or gender. Legislatures reserving seats on the basis of ethnicity, not based on language, include New Zealand, India, and Rwanda. Countries recognizing language or national identity are predominantly European countries, such as Slovenia and Kosovo. Religious identity is the basis for guaranteed seats in countries in the Middle East and South Asia and geographical representation is used where islands are detached from the nation state's mainland (Fiji, Isle of Man in the United Kingdom).

Many countries have developed gender quota systems in conjunction with other measures imbedded in the countries' socioeconomic realities. In this mix of measures, guaranteed seats may be chosen to address one factor of representation, and in countries with political party systems, electoral lists may be the tool used to establish gender quotas.

Belgium, for example, established guaranteed seats for each of the three language communities of the nation to ensure that each of its communities is represented in the Belgian parliament. Belgium's electoral system is a party-based system with proportional representation. Political parties have to comply with a gender quota and each candidate list must have as many women as men candidates listed. In this way, Belgium applied a gender quota of 50 percent to all electoral lists. This does not guarantee that all women will be elected, however, voters chose from an equal number of women and men when voting.

Rwanda, to ensure long-lasting peace after war and genocide, developed an elaborate system of reserved seats, quotas and other mechanisms to ensure gender and minority representation. Rwanda is also the only country with sanctions for non-compliance of its reserved seat quota.

New Zealand, the first country to make women eligible to vote (in 1893), and to stand for election to parliament (in 1919), has today 49 woman Members of Parliament and surpasses the 40-percent mark in gender representation in its legislature. New Zealand's early path toward gender equity is seen as a combination of political will among parliamentarians, and a desire for equal rights by the Pakeha settler feminists in convergence with Maori women petitioning on land rights and women's rights. Both women's groups continued throughout the country's history to organize advocacy for representation.

New Zealand's voting system includes a number of guaranteed seats for Maori, the Indigenous peoples of New Zealand. Maori representation was guaranteed through the establishment of separate Maori electorates as early as 1867. In 1973, the government introduced the "Maori Electoral Option" allowing electors of Maori descent to choose whether they enrolled in General or in Maori seats. Electoral reforms in 1993 created a Mixed-Member Proportional voting system in New Zealand while maintaining the guaranteed Maori seats.

Today, out of the 120 seats in parliament, 29 belong to members of Maori descent including the seven seats guaranteed for Maori determined by the size of the population who self-identify as having Maori ethnicity. This distribution raised discussions of whether the guaranteed seats are needed.

Many Maori have argued for the retention of guaranteed seats not only as providing guaranteed representation but also as a symbolic recognition and practical manifestation of the Treaty of Waitangi in the New Zealand Parliament. Abolitionists argue it is a flawed model that may sideline Maori concerns.

It is generally believed that the existence of guaranteed seats plays a large part in explaining the larger representation of Maori in Parliament, in particular when comparing to the low representation in Australia of Aboriginal people in political office, where no such measures exist.

Pros and Cons of Guaranteed Seats

Committee heard various views on the proposed solutions to increase women representation in the Legislative Assembly by applying temporary measures. Some found that temporary guaranteed seats are a good measure but had concerns on what the impact would be in the long-term; other rejected the idea of guaranteed seats in principle.

In committee's public hearings, those who spoke against the idea of guaranteed seats had concerns of principle with the idea of reserving seats. Committee heard that guaranteed seats may be seen as a form of tokenism with the negative implication that the seats are held by women lacking merit. In this way, guaranteed seats present 'freebees' or 'pity seats' and were said to possibly hurt women on their path to equality.

We heard concerns that while well-meaning, guaranteed seats for women may be a disservice to women by increasing their vulnerability to harassment and provoking comments disregarding the merit of those women who gained guaranteed seats. Guaranteed seats were described as exposing women to possible stigmatized treatment and gendered comments.

Concern was also raised that women legislators in reserved seats may be more likely to be marginalized from power or cabinet positions. This concern, however, is not limited to guaranteed seats but could apply to all women legislators, under the current system used in the Northwest Territories for the selection of Cabinet Ministers.

The opposite view was also mentioned, that bringing more women into the legislature would ease the stress on the few women who hold seats and who may feel like tokens. In this context, the conflicts that may arise through guaranteed seats were considered temporary.

"If you want to achieve equality in numbers of men and women at the Legislative Assembly, there exists a reasonably easy way of achieving this. It is not my idea but I like it: give each constituency two MLAs, one man and one woman." (Dave Nickerson, Public Hearing Yellowknife, 8 May 2019)

Mr. Speaker, I would like to pass the reading of this report on to the honourable Member for Deh Cho.

Aging In Place June 4th, 2019

This approach, among other things, provides seniors and their loved ones more time to decide whether or not they wish to move into long-term and also allows seniors to wait at home, rather than in hospital, until a long-term care spot is necessary.

I could go on Mr. Speaker, but, ultimately, the best solution for this situation is to allow seniors to age in place by providing them with supplemental programs that will help them to maintain safe and independent living in their own homes as long as possible. Thank you, Mr. Speaker.

Aging In Place June 4th, 2019

Marsi cho, Mr. Speaker. I believe this will be my last Member's statement on "Aging in Place." Over a number of years, I have been talking about the huge benefits of allowing seniors to age in place in their own communities and in their own homes.

Mr. Speaker, this government has decided to build long-term care facilities in Hay River and Inuvik, both with 48 beds. However, there aren't many seniors who actually look forward to moving into these facilities. In Inuvik, the majority of the elders going into long-term care are from surrounding communities, and most, if not all, have no desire to be uprooted and institutionalized in another community. In fact, that is the opposite of what people want. No seniors have ever called me to say that they were looking forward to moving into a long-term care facility. Yet here we are, planning to build and fill up new facilities with seniors at a rate of over $140,000 per senior, per year.

Mr. Speaker, I believe we need to approach this issue with a different strategy because, while I do recognize the need for more long-term care spaces in the future, I believe we must also consider ideas from other jurisdictions that have potential to help improve our existing homecare policy in the NWT. For example, in British Columbia, there are several options people can choose prior to entering into long-term care facilities, all of which are a variation of homecare delivery, which includes community nursing, community rehabilitation, home support, choice of supports for independent living, caregiver relief, end-of-care services, assisted living, and short-term residential care facilities.

Another example to consider, Mr. Speaker, is the homecare policy of Ontario, called "Home First," which is a philosophy that aims to keeping frail patients out of the hospital and back into their homes as soon as possible. The Home First model includes three components: the Wait at Home Program for daily living, errand and social support; the Enhanced Wait at Home Program, which includes up to 56 hours per week of personal support for seniors in need of more help; and the Stay at Home program, which helps seniors delay or eliminate the need for LTC placement. Mr. Speaker, I speak unanimous consent to conclude my statement.

---Unanimous consent granted

Question 760-18(3): Mandatory Attendance in Junior Kindergarten and Kindergarten May 30th, 2019

Thank you, Mr. Speaker, assuming that the education system is beginning to engage students who are four and five years old, I'd like to ask the Minister if students four and five years old who don't register need to have a viable alternative?

Question 760-18(3): Mandatory Attendance in Junior Kindergarten and Kindergarten May 30th, 2019

I am still not clear on, once the person does register, whether or not they have to attend school. I am going to ask the question a little bit differently. How does the funding work? If you have students who are JK and K in your school, I am assuming that it is a per capita funding for students. How does that work? If they register, but don't attend, are they counted in the funding?

Question 760-18(3): Mandatory Attendance in Junior Kindergarten and Kindergarten May 30th, 2019

There is no requirement for anyone under six to register, but my question is: if they choose to register at four and five, at that point, the registration is out of the way, are they treated like all other students insofar as attendance goes?

Question 760-18(3): Mandatory Attendance in Junior Kindergarten and Kindergarten May 30th, 2019

Thank you, Mr. Speaker. I have questions for the Minister of Education, considering that early childhood development is a very important way of doing business. I think that the numbers are that the government will save $7 to $10 on every dollar spent today of future money that could be spent on that particular youth or child.

I would like to ask the Minister a question about attendance. My understanding of attendance in junior kindergarten and kindergarten is that, initially, step one is that the students will decide whether or not they are going to attend. It is not compulsory that they attend. Step two is they do enrol, and they do attend, but they are not treated like the other students. Even if they are enrolled in junior kindergarten and kindergarten, they don't have to attend. Is that correct? Thank you, Mr. Speaker.

Recognition Of Visitors In The Gallery May 30th, 2019

Marsi cho, Mr. Speaker. I would like to recognize our interpreters, Maro Sundberg and Tommy Unka. Mahsi.

Compulsory Attendance for Junior Kindergarten and Kindergarten May 30th, 2019

Marsi cho, Mr. Speaker. I am going to make a Member's statement on some of the work that we were doing in Committee of the Whole last Tuesday. Last Tuesday, I felt I was unable to communicate clearly enough to be able to get some answers. I am going to talk a bit about what I saw on Tuesday, much to my surprise and shock, the way that the mandatory or compulsory attendance for junior kindergarten and kindergarten works in the schools. My understanding, initially, before Tuesday, was that once a five-year-old, four-year-old student got to go to junior kindergarten and they had enrolled, at the point that they enrolled, it was mandatory for them to attend school on a daily basis like any other student who was enrolled in the school.

My understanding from the Committee of the Whole meeting that we had was that students can come and go as they please, whether they are enrolled or not. If they are enrolled in school and they choose not to go to school, then they don't have to go to school, but the numbers of enrolment mean that there could potentially be games being played where people could enroll a lot of four-year-olds and five-year-olds into the school and just concern themselves with students attending for the first couple of years until the numbers are counted, and then the kids no longer have to attend school. It also sets up a possibility that people are just using junior kindergarten as a childcare drop-off.

I became a bit concerned about that and started to think about all of the possibilities of our education development instrument, how all the time were working on the numbers, and the numbers were increasing, the vulnerabilities were increasing for the junior kindergarten and kindergarten students.

I will have questions for the Minister today, but I guess my understanding was that, if they are in school, then they are in school, but if they don't have to attend, then how are they going to increase the numbers? Maybe we should pick a different school to apply the education development instrument if kindergarten kids don't have to be there and, at any given day, they can wish to stay home. I am going to have some questions for the Minister on that today. Thank you, Mr. Speaker.

Consideration In Committee Of The Whole Of Bills And Other Matters May 28th, 2019

Thank you, Mr. Chair. No wonder it doesn't work. I mean, no wonder it doesn't work. I mean, they enrol in school, and then they don't have to attend. That's very strange. My question was to be, when we're dealing with five-year-olds and four-year-olds who are in school, does the funding that's targeted in inclusive schooling also apply to four-year-olds and five-year-olds? Thank you, Mr. Chair.